Thursday, November 25, 2010

"Power to ati jati rahati hain, lekin logonke dil me jagah banana, unke liye kam karna sabse badi bat hain !" --- Nitish Kumar


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 “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed,
And everywhere the ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity."
--- From ‘The Second Coming’ by W.B. Yeats


Above lines have haunting relevance for contemporary international geopolitical upheaval. After witnessing two world wars, the urge of mankind was to avoid another catastrophe. After going through blood shedding pages of history, it reaffirms centuries old adage ‘The only lesson we learn from history that we don`t learn from history.’ The journey of mankind after two devastating world wars is so tragic that total number of civilians killed in civil war and conflicts thereafter outweigh the deaths and causalities in both the world wars. Then world has never stopped watching the cycles of violence repeating again and again due to mistakes and deliberate interventions of superpowers complemented due to failure of international community and institutions like United Nations to enforce peace and prevent conflicts. 

What is the notion of power, or for better reference to the current debate and dust of applause about emerging or emerged India, what does it really mean by 'superpower'? Is it mere array of strategic/geopolitical strengths and assets or is it ability to survive the challenges domestically about education, health, food security, cutting edge science and technology research, resilience in the crisis, value system of the societies we are living in and principles of the societies still who are emerging in the form of our young  minds and younger aspirations and youngest skilled/unskilled human resource in the coming world. Institute of Defense Studies and Analysis recently organized Inaugural Former Defense Minister Yashwantrao Chavan Memorial Lecture. Dr Sunil Khilnani, the author of 'Idea of India', is Starr Foundation Professor, Director of the South Asia Studies Program at the Paul H Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at John Hopkins University and was speaking on this occasion on "The Great Power Game : India in the New World".  Another fascinating scholarly analysis by Prof. Wang Hui of Chinese Language and Literature at Tsinghua University, Beijing dealt with "How to Interpret China". Prof. Hui is the author of the masterwork "The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought," and most recently "The End of the Revolution".

            The concept of superpower is increasingly questionable. The rising challenges in 'Post American World' in the context of realization that 'The World is Flat', are compelling the warmongers from the hyper-power, allies of cold war era, defenders of free trade, critics of liberal media in communist societies and anti-obscurantists in developing societies the concept of superpower more and more vulnerable to the paradox of process of level playing field and increasing disparities in the globalized world. 

India`s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, according to Prof. Khilnani, "After independence in 1947, - through the pursuit of what he termed ‘intelligent self-interest’ - managed to transform this almost ludicrously optimistic ambition into a relatively effective policy of state: in the polarized and unpropitious circumstances of the Cold War, he established an international voice for his country, based not on ‘hard’ power but rather on a dextrous combination of moral legitimacy and realpolitik." From giving birth to Non-alignment ideology towards the constant need of multipolar world in the context of current financial crisis and weakened United Nations, India has witnessed helpless journey Indian Foreign Policy through the horrific channels of history where humanitarian-non humanitarian intervention in the other countries has been the order of superpowers of the day.

            Somehow Indian scholars, diplomats and leaders failed to capitalise on this idea of non-alignment. Its name might have been irrelevant but the idea enshrined in those words is still contemporary. Prof. Khilnani captures this irony in very subtle words like: "If India is to maximize its international position, it should begin to
operate with a more nuanced conception of power. If one limits the understanding of power merely to a narrow realist dimension, then it is hard to see how India can rival the prowess of the world’s great states in the foreseeable future. It will remain in a middle group, well behind the first rank of present great powers, if one measures power purely in economic or military terms. However, ‘world power’ today is a complicated, continuous strategic project, not a once and for all acquisition. Some of its aspects are tangible enough; but others, no less important, emphatically are not." 

 Khilnani further maintains: "As a matter of policy, India has long staked its international power heavily on multilateral institutions - variously, the Commonwealth, the Non-Aligned Movement, the UN and, in some respects, the WTO. It has often worked these effectively; but given the reality that in many matters of vital concern to India it will be US attitudes that determine the scope and efficacy of multilateral institutions, India will need to explore other avenues and methods to push its interests. Historically, India has tended to position itself somewhere between the powerful and the powerless, the rich and the poor - and between contending ideological groups. Its primary mode of exercising autonomy in the international domain has been negative: refusing to participate in alignments, treaties and markets which it viewed as skewed in favour of the more powerful. This was perhaps an extension of the Gandhian strategy of boycotts and fasts; as Nehru put it in the mid-1950s: ‘Asian strength exists in the negative sense of resisting’."

A recent IDSA Paper maintains that: "Nehru’s aim in advocating the principles of internationalism was to realize the creation of the ideal of One World centred on the United Nations which represented the world community. Keeping this in mind, he crafted independent India’s foreign policy composed of five elements: opposition to colonialism, imperialism and racialism; concept of non-alignment vis-à-vis the two Cold War blocs to preserve Asia in particular as an ‘area of peace’; prevent internationalization of conflict; disarmament; and peaceful co-existence as embodied in the Panchsheel agreement for the evolution of a peaceful and co-operative international order, thus paving the way for realizing the ideal of One World. These elements became the framework through which the foreign policy of India was conducted, mostly connected and identified with ‘non-alignment’. The author clearly expresses that all these elements including non-alignment were designed for the realization of the ideal of One World.” (Source: The Indian Advocacy of Internationalism in the Nehru Years by S. Kalyanaraman on November 19, 2010 as Fellows' Seminar at IDSA, New Delhi )

 Wang Hui’s monographs include, in Chinese, From An Asian Perspective: The Narrations of Chinese History  2010); The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought (four volumes), (2004–2009); and Rekindling Frozen Fire: The Paradox of ModernityThe Rise of Modern Chinese Thought The End of Revolution: China and the Limits of Modernity (Verso, 2010); China’s New Order: Society, Politics, and Economy in Transition, translated by Ted Huters and Rebecca Karl (Harvard University Press, 2003) etc. (2000). His books translated into English include the forthcoming (four volumes), which is expected to be finished by 2010.

            Prof. Hui asserted that Confuscious thought has influenced the Chinese intellectual tradition since centuries. Confucianism represents the collected teachings of the Chinese sage Confucius, who lived from 551 to 479 BCE. His philosophy concerns the fields of ethics and politics, emphasizing personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationships, justice, traditionalism, and sincerity. In Confucianism, human beings are teachable, improvable and perfectible through personal and communal endeavour especially including self-cultivation and self-creation. A main idea of Confucianism is the cultivation of virtue and the development of moral perfection. 

Confucianism holds that one should give up one's life, if necessary, either passively or actively, for the sake of upholding the cardinal moral values. Humanity is core in Confucianism. A simple way to appreciate Confucian thought is to consider it as being based on varying levels of honesty, and a simple way to understand Confucian thought is to examine the world by using the logic of humanity. So, according to Prof. Hui, different dynasties in Chinese tradition and history not only adopted different philosophies from time to time moreover weaved in the Confuscious tradition, they also sought 'Legitimacy' from outer world for the survival of their dynasty.

 Self defence has always remained controversial due to its ramifications on aspects of sovereignty and legality. Self-defence is always provided as a justification for unjustified intervention in another state`s territory. Though for use of self defence, premise is established in a manner that it is temporary departure from strict legal norms for fortifying bedrock of rule of law. But history has witnessed everlasting peace cannot be established through the gun barrels. Self-defence also touches many sensitive issues under international humanitarian law, gross violations of human rights, atrocities committed by aggressors, non state actors to highjack conscious of general public either to support or rebel against pre-emptive or preventive use of force as the case may be. 

 The very foundation of United Nations was to prevent future generations from scourge of war which is also enshrined in its charter. This charter prohibits use of force by its members as a basic principle. The only justification which is available for use of such of force in absence of such authorization by UN is self defense. But powerful nations have sidelined this basic principle under the garb of self-defense. Such kind of unilateral invasion has instigated unending cycle of violence. In the era of technological advancements, invention of nuclear and weapons of mass destruction, it will be very heavy price for achieving Millennium Development Goals. Voice of major reformists in working style of Security Council should accelerate the process of actual changes. Keeping in the view long-lasting unfulfilled goal of enduring peace and sustainable development, one should remember that the issue of self defense should not only be viewed from the prism of ‘legality’ but also from the perspective of ‘legitimacy.’

India`s new role of Bridging the have`s and have`s not world depends on how Indian foreign policy establishment understands following situation. It may be economic/financial packages of the Chinese in Africa, Latin America or whether it is military intervention of USA in Asia and Europe, India has to assert its role in the world irrespective of the position in the Security Council. Ultimately amidst the twister of the geopolitical discourse, we have to remember the warning of legendary doyen of strategic thinking in India K. Subrahmanyam: “The meaning of Superpower means only and only to ensure ‘Right to Education and Right to Food’ along with the investments in science and technology for betterment of the humankind.”

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